REPRESENTATION OF URBAN SUFISM IN CONSTRUCTING
URBAN MUSLIM PIETY IN DIGITAL MEDIA
Diar Mukti Asri*1, Raysha Ramadhani2, Surawan3
1
Universitas Islam Negeri Palangka Raya, Kalimantan Tengah, Indonesia
2
Universitas Islam Negeri Palangka Raya, Kalimantan Tengah, Indonesia
3
Universitas Islam Negeri Palangka Raya, Kalimantan Tengah, Indonesia

Abstract:
In recent years, social media has become an important arena for expressing religious identity, including the emergence
of digital Sufism among urban Muslims. This study examines how urban Sufism is represented in digital media that
blends Sufi values with elements of popular culture, addressing the limited scholarly attention toward its role in shaping
contemporary religious identity. Specifically, this research analyzes digital content from prominent figures such as
Hanan Attaki on platforms like YouTube and Instagram to illustrate how Sufi-inspired messages are communicated
to urban audiences. This qualitative research employs content analysis and library study, drawing data from YouTube
and Instagram. The analysis is guided by Stuart Hall’s theory of representation and Charles Taylor’s theory of identity.
The findings show that digital representations of urban Sufism function not only as a medium of da‘wah but also as a
dynamic space where pious identity is negotiated and socially validated through online engagement. These
representations illustrate how Islamic spirituality adapts to urban lifestyles while interacting with global popular culture.
However, the phenomenon also raises concerns such as spiritual simplification, authority fragmentation, and the
commodification of religiosity. The study concludes that maintaining authenticity and spiritual depth is crucial for
content creators and preachers in utilizing digital platforms for inclusive da‘wah.
Keywords: urban Sufism, digital religion, religious identity, representation, social media
Corresponding author:
Email Address diarmuktiaa@gmail.com (correspondence address)
Article History: Received: November 29, 2025, Revised: December 12, 2025, Accepted: December 15 2025,
Published: December 31 2025.

INTRODUCTION
The landscape of Islamic expression in Indonesia has undergone significant
transformation, particularly among urban Muslims. Digital platforms such as YouTube and
Instagram have shifted expressions of piety from traditional religious spaces into publicly visible
digital arenas. This transformation has given rise to the phenomenon of urban Sufism, a form of
Sufi practice integrated into the fast-paced lifestyle of modern urban communities. As some
scholars argue, millennial Muslims increasingly negotiate their pious identities through social media
to remain relevant within the demands of modernity.1

1 Bouziane Zaid et al., “Digital Islam and Muslim Millennials: How Social Media Influencers Reimagine Religious

Authority and Islamic Practices,” Religions 13, no. 4 (2022): 335.
This is an open access article under CC-BY-SA license.
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Despite this development, a research gap persists regarding how urban Muslim piety is
shaped through contemporary Islamic digital content. Earlier studies mainly focused on ethical
concerns and forms of online piety,2 or on the role of digital da‘wah during the pandemic.3
Although these studies offer valuable insight, they largely address functional and ethical
dimensions. They do not fully explore how Islamic digital content contributes to shaping religious
identity in urban contexts.
Recent scholarship has begun addressing this gap through various forms of cultural and
media analysis. Some researchers demonstrate that YouTube-based Islamic web series influence
the lifestyle and perceptions of urban Muslim piety,4 while others show that digital da‘wah figures
often operate at the intersection of spirituality and commercialization.5 These findings resonate
with studies highlighting the rise of Islamic consumerism in urban Muslim lifestyles,6 as well as
research showing that digital da‘wah consumption contributes to the spiritual well-being of
Generation Z.7 However, these works still do not explicitly connect their findings to urban Sufism
as a framework for understanding pious identity construction.
Other research provides additional nuance by showing how psychological, sociocultural,
and political factors shape digital expressions of piety,8 indicating that online religiosity is far from
neutral. A related study argues that cyber ethics influence how Muslim piety is negotiated in
Indonesia,9 yet it does not specifically address how urban Sufism operates in digital environments.
Taken together, these studies suggest that urban Sufism characterized by its fluidity, inclusivity, and
alignment with cosmopolitan values provides a compelling analytical lens for understanding digital
expressions of piety among urban Muslims.
This study seeks to fill that gap by examining how urban Sufism is represented and how it
contributes to shaping pious identity through contemporary Islamic digital content. Rather than

2 Fatimah Husein and Martin Slama, “Online Piety and Its Discontent: Revisiting Islamic Anxieties on Indonesian

Social Media,” Indonesia and the Malay World 46, no. 134 (2018): 80–93.
3 Heni Ani Nuraeni and Novie Kurniasih, “The Role of Social Media Da’wah in Improving Individual Piety during the
COVID-19 Pandemic,” Ilmu Dakwah 15, no. 2 (2021): 343–364.
4 Andina Dwifatma, “YouTube Islamic Web Series and Mediatized Piety among Urban Muslims in Indonesia,” in
Trending Islam: Cases from Southeast Asia (Singapore: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, 2023), 183–197.
5 Syamsul Haq, “Piety and Commercialization Da’wah: The Influence of Hanan Attaki’s Kajian on Young Urban
Muslims in Indonesia,” Al-Misbah (Jurnal Islamic Studies) 12, no. 1 (2024): 18–31.
6 Julian Millie and Emma Baulch, “Beyond the Middle Classes, Beyond New Media: The Politics of Islamic
Consumerism in Indonesia,” Asian Studies Review 48, no. 1 (2024): 1–18.
7 Akhmad Kastalani Sirun and Surawan Surawan, “Konsumsi Konten Dakwah Digital dan Kesejahteraan Spiritual
Mahasiswa: Kajian Empiris di Kalangan Generasi Z,” Indonesian Journal of Islamic Studies 1, no. 2 (2025): 220–226.
8 Teguh Fachmi and Fauzan Nazil Ramadhan, “What Drives Indonesian Muslim Youth Express Their Piety on Social
Media: Do Psychological, Socio-Cultural, and Politics Interfere?” in Proceeding of Annual International Conference on Islamic
Education and Language (AICIEL) (2024), 409–416.
9 Raudotul Jannah and Sholahuddin Al Ayubi, “Negotiating Ideal Piety in Digital Age: A Mixed-Methods Study on
Muslim Cyber Ethics in Indonesia,” Komunike 17, no. 1 (2025): 115–138.
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focusing solely on content consumption, this research also analyzes how urban Sufism is produced,
framed, and negotiated within digital spaces. Through this approach, the study provides a more
comprehensive understanding of the interplay between digital media, Sufi practices, and religious
identity formation in modern society. This more holistic view allows urban digital religiosity to be
understood as a culturally and spiritually situated phenomenon.
The novelty of this study lies in its integration of urban Sufism within the broader
framework of digital religion. In academic discourse, urban Sufism is understood not as a formal
Sufi order (ṭarīqa) but as a flexible mode of spirituality that emphasizes aesthetic expressions,
emotional resonance, and ethical sensibilities without requiring institutional affiliation.10 This form
of spirituality differs significantly from classical Sufi orders, which rely on structured rituals,
hierarchical leadership, and formal initiation.11 Urban Sufism instead manifests through what
scholars call Sufi style, a popular and mediatized aesthetic that communicates Sufi values through
accessible language, minimalist visuals, and emotionally driven narratives that resonate with urban
youth.12
By clarifying this distinction, the present study positions digital preachers such as Hanan
Attaki within the spectrum of urban Sufism not because they belong to any formal ṭarīqa, but
because their digital content adopts Sufi inspired language, themes of inner purification, and
contemplative aesthetics that are commonly associated with modern spiritual seekers in urban
settings13. This analytical lens bridges earlier debates that categorize such figures under Pop Islam
or the Hijrah movement, demonstrating that their practices also intersect with contemporary
expressions of Sufi style spirituality.
Methodologically, this study employs Stuart Hall’s theory of representation, which
conceptualizes media as active producers of meaning rather than passive transmitters.14 Charles
Taylor’s theory of identity further supports the analysis by showing that identity is shaped through
ongoing processes of social recognition in both offline and online spaces.15 Together, these

10 Jaenuri Jaenuri, “Urban Sufism: The Dynamic of Cosmopolitan Religious Community,” Teosofia: Indonesian Journal of

Islamic Mysticism 11, no. 2 (2022).
11 Zulfan Taufik and Muhammad Taufik, “Mediated Tarekat Qadiriyah Wa Naqshabandiyah in the Digital Era: An
Ethnographic Overview,” Esensia: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 22, no. 1 (2021): 35–43.
12 Luthfi Makhasin, “Urban Sufism, Media and Religious Change in Indonesia,” Ijtima’iyya: Journal of Muslim Society 1,
no. 1 (2016): 23–36; Ratri Rizki Kusumalestari, “Hijrahtainment: Composing Piety and Profane as Commodification
of Religion by Media,” Mediator 13, no. 2 (2020): 290–306.
13 Syamsul Haq, “Piety and Commercialization Da’wah: The Influence of Hanan Attaki’s Kajian on Young Urban
Muslims in Indonesia,” Al-Misbah: Jurnal Islamic Studies 12, no. 1 (2024): 18–31.
14 Stuart Hall, Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices (London: SAGE Publications, 1997).
1515 Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989).
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frameworks enable this research to examine digital representations of Sufi practices as both spiritual
expressions and identity building processes in contemporary urban Muslim life.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This study adopts a qualitative research design with a descriptive approach, as this framework
is considered most suitable for capturing the complexity of contemporary Islamic phenomena
within their natural contexts.16 Because all data analyzed in this study are derived from online
sources, specifically YouTube and Instagram the methodological approach is refined to digital
ethnography/netnography, which is appropriate for research relying exclusively on digital
interactions, online representations, and platform-based religious expressions.17 Although urban
Sufism is a broader phenomenon, this study focuses primarily on Hanan Attaki as a representative
case of urban Sufi-style spirituality in Indonesian digital media.
Primary data consist of digital materials, including videos, visual posts, captions, and audience
interactions, while secondary data include books, scholarly articles, and previous studies addressing
urban Sufism, representation, and religious identity.18 Data were collected through systematic digital
observation, involving documentation of online content, archiving screenshots, capturing user
engagement patterns, and organizing all materials based on emerging thematic relevance.19 All
digital materials were archived and organized according to emerging thematic relevance.
Data were analyzed using qualitative content analysis following the procedures of data
reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing.20 Thematic categories digital piety, Sufism in
popular culture, and the commodification of religiosity were developed inductively from recurring
patterns in the digital dataset. Because this study draws exclusively on qualitative digital data,
statistical analysis was not required. Methodological rigor was ensured through source triangulation
by comparing primary digital materials, secondary literature, and broader public discourse.21
Supporting materials such as screenshots, tables, and diagrams are incorporated with appropriate
references to enhance analytical transparency and strengthen the credibility of the findings.

16 John W. Creswell, Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing Among Five Approaches, 3rd ed. (Thousand Oaks:

SAGE, 2013).
17 Robert V. Kozinets, Netnography: Redefined (London: SAGE, 2015); Sarah Pink et al., Digital Ethnography: Principles and
Practice (London: SAGE, 2016).
18 Robert Bogdan and Sari Knopp Biklen, Qualitative Research for Education: An Introduction to Theories and Methods, 5th ed.
(Boston: Pearson, 2007).
19 Glenn A. Bowen, “Document Analysis as a Qualitative Research Method,” Qualitative Research Journal 9, no. 2 (2009):
27–40.
20 Matthew B. Miles, A. Michael Huberman, and Johnny Saldaña, Qualitative Data Analysis: A Methods Sourcebook, 3rd
ed. (Thousand Oaks: SAGE, 2014).
21 Michael Quinn Patton, Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods, 4th ed. (Thousand Oaks: SAGE, 2015).
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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The phenomenon of religious representation in digital media does not simply reproduce
religious teachings or practices but actively contributes to shaping both social and spiritual identity.
The concept of digital religion highlights that digital spaces operate not merely as channels of
communication but as cultural arenas where individuals construct, negotiate, and affirm their
religious identities.22 Similar perspectives are offered by scholars examining Southeast Asian
Muslim communities, who argue that online pious expression often serves as a form of public
identity that responds to the broader social dynamics of urban life.23 In this context, the
representation of urban Sufism within digital content becomes inseparable from the efforts of
urban Muslims to articulate their pious identities amid globalization, the rise of popular culture,
and the commodification of religion. These dynamics illustrate how digital platforms increasingly
mediate the ways contemporary Muslims imagine and perform their spirituality.
REPRESENTATION OF URBAN SUFISM AND URBAN LIFE
Urban Sufi communities increasingly utilize public spaces such as cafés, campus mosques,
and community hubs to share Sufi teachings in more accessible and relaxed formats.24 This
transition from exclusive ritual spaces to inclusive urban settings reflects how urban Sufism
operates both as a spiritual and social practice that blends with the fluid, cosmopolitan rhythm of
city life. Through Hall’s theory of representation, Sufi teachings presented via café discussions,
short social media videos, and popular aesthetics can be viewed as encoded messages shaped to fit
contemporary cultural tastes, which audiences then decode either as spiritual reinforcement or
simply as religious entertainment.25
A clear example appears in the YouTube video “Berharap dan Bergantung Hanya pada
Allah Ustadz Hanan Attaki Dakwah Motivasi Penyemangat” uploaded by Aljabar Media. In this
video, Hanan Attaki communicates spiritual values such as tawakal and sincerity through soft
narration, minimalist visuals, slow paced transitions, and contemplative background audio. These
stylistic choices reflect what scholars describe as Sufi style spirituality, an urban form of religiosity

22 Heidi A. Campbell and Ruth Tsuria, eds., Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in Digital Media (London:

Routledge, 2021).
23 Martin Slama and Bart Barendregt, “Online Publics in Muslim Southeast Asia: In between Religious Politics and
Popular Pious Practices,” Asiascape: Digital Asia 5, nos. 1–2 (2018): 3–31.
24 Achmad Zaini Arifin, “From Magics, Dances, to Cafés: The Role of Sufism in Constructing Identity among the
Urban Youth,” in Proceedings of the 1st Annual International Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities (AICOSH 2019), vol.
33 (Paris: Atlantis Press, 2019), 166–169.
25 Luthfi Makhasin, “Urban Sufism, Media and Religious Change in Indonesia,” Ijtima’iyya Journal of Muslim Society 1, no.
1 (2016): 23–36; Rubaidi Rubaidi, “Kontekstualisasi Sufisme bagi Masyarakat Urban,” Jurnal Theologia 30, no. 1 (2019):
127–152.
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that emphasizes emotional calmness, affective intimacy, and reflective moods rather than formal
ritual structures.26 This aesthetic orientation differs from the more assertive tone commonly
associated with Pop Islam or the Hijrah movement, which frequently highlights moral discipline,
identity consolidation, or lifestyle change rather than interior refinement.27

Figure 1. Screenshot of the video “Berharap & Bergantung Hanya pada Allah” from Aljabar
Media (YouTube, 2024)
The use of minimalist design and meditative soundscapes aligns with the preferences of
urban Muslim youth who seek spiritual grounding within fast paced city environments. Such
techniques subtly embed Sufi inspired sensibilities into everyday digital consumption, positioning
spirituality as part of the visual and emotional rhythm of contemporary urban culture. A similar
pattern appears on his Instagram account (@hanan_attaki), where short reflective captions such as
“Sometimes destiny feels unbearably heavy, but believe that” emphasize themes of surrender,
emotional healing, and reliance on God. These elements demonstrate how Hanan Attaki’s digital
persona resonates with characteristics of urban Sufism, including affective spirituality,
contemplative aesthetics, and accessible moral encouragement tailored to modern urban
audiences.28

26 Luthfi Makhasin, “Urban Sufism Media and Religious Change in Indonesia,” Ijtima’iyya: Journal of Muslim Society 1, no.

1 (2016): 23–36; Ratri Rizki Kusumalestari, “Hijrahtainment Composing Piety and Profane as Commodification of
Religion by Media,” Mediator 13, no. 2 (2020): 290–306.
27 Wahyudi Akmaliah, “When Islamism and Pop Culture Meet A Political Framing of the Movie 212 The Power of
Love,” Studia Islamika 27, no. 1 (2020): 1–33; Syamsul Haq, “Piety and Commercialization Dakwah The Influence of
Hanan Attaki’s Kajian on Young Urban Muslims in Indonesia,” Al Misbah: Jurnal Islamic Studies 12, no. 1 (2024): 18–
31.
28 Syamsul Haq, “Piety and Commercialization Dakwah The Influence of Hanan Attaki’s Kajian on Young Urban
Muslims in Indonesia,” Al Misbah: Jurnal Islamic Studies 12, no. 1 (2024): 18–31; Julian Millie, Hearing Allah’s Call Preaching
and Performance in Indonesian Islam (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2017).
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Figure 2. Instagram post by Ustadz Hanan Attaki with the caption “Kadang takdir terasa berat
banget, tapi percayalah, …”
These examples demonstrate how Sufi values are reframed through emotionally appealing
and aesthetically modern digital formats that resonate with urban digital natives. In line with
Taylor’s theory of identity, online recognition—manifested through likes, comments, and shares—
functions as a form of social validation that shapes and legitimizes urban Muslim piety.29 Previous
studies affirm that digital media serve not merely as da‘wah channels but as performative arenas
where religious identity is negotiated between spiritual values, popular culture, and market logic. 30
Research on the Qadiriyah wa Naqshabandiyah order further shows how traditional Sufi practices
are strengthened through digital presence, forming hybrid identities that combine classical
spirituality with modern adaptation.31
Taken together, these dynamics illustrate that the representation of urban Sufism in digital
and public urban spaces is a continuous negotiation between Sufi spiritual values and the pressures
of modernity. Global research also highlights similar trends: Sufism has shifted from exclusive
ritual practice to a more open, popular, and accessible expression aligned with the preferences of
contemporary urban Muslims.32 This convergence of spirituality, media aesthetics, and urban
culture demonstrates how urban Sufism produces new, fluid forms of piety suited to the complex
realities of modern urban life. Other urban religious figures such as Gus Baha and Habib Ja’far Al-

29 Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity, 26.
30 Dwifatma, “YouTube Islamic Web Series and Mediatized Piety among Urban Muslims in Indonesia,” 183–197.

31 Zulfan Taufik and Muhammad Taufik, “Mediated Tarekat Qadiriyah Wa Naqshabandiyah in the Digital Era: An

Ethnographic Overview,” Esensia: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 22, no. 1 (2021): 35–43.
32 Wijaya Wijaya et al., “The Integration of Sufism in Contemporary Indonesian Islam: The Case of Urban and Rural
Communities,” Islamic Studies in the World 2, no. 1 (2025): 42–51; Julian Millie, Hearing Allah’s Call: Preaching and
Performance in Indonesian Islam (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2017); Jaenuri Jaenuri, “Urban Sufism: The Dynamic of
Cosmopolitan Religious Community,” Teosofia 11, no. 2 (2022).
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Hadar also reflect urban Sufi-oriented spirituality in Indonesia, although their digital content is not
the primary focus of this study.
URBAN MUSLIM PIETY: FROM RITUAL TO LIFESTYLE
Urban Muslim piety in the digital era is no longer understood solely as a set of ritual
obligations but also as an expression of a modern lifestyle. Practices such as dhikr, Sufi studies, and
even simple religious interactions like greeting one another after a study session are now seen as
spiritual practices relevant to everyday life. These activities serve not only to fulfill religious duties
but also as means to relieve stress, find inner peace, and provide guidance in the search for meaning
amidst the hustle and bustle of urban life. As such, piety is increasingly framed as a holistic practice
that integrates spiritual, emotional, and social dimensions of urban life.33
Religious identity in digital spaces is performative and often presented through social
media. Urban Muslim youth frequently share Sufi quotations, short lecture videos, or daily activities
infused with Islamic values. These representations demonstrate that piety is no longer confined to
private spaces but is also publicly displayed in online environments. Recognition of one’s piety is
obtained through likes, comments, and shares, meaning that the legitimacy of religious identity is
increasingly dependent on online social interactions and the digital audience’s approval.34
This transformation highlights the fluid and flexible nature of urban Muslim piety. Young
generations not only emphasize formal worship but also engage with Sufism as a medium to fulfill
psychological and emotional needs. Religious study sessions are perceived not merely as knowledge
transfer but also as “healing spaces” where participants can find tranquility and cope with life
pressures. Social media further supports these practices, as intensive engagement with digital
platforms can reinforce belief, religious experience, and the enactment of spiritual practices among
students.35
Popular aesthetics also play a significant role in shaping urban religious practices. Sufi
studies presented with indie music, visually appealing designs, or contemporary communication
styles make religious content more engaging and relatable for urban audiences. This phenomenon,
often referred to as hijrahtainment, merges spirituality and entertainment, allowing piety to appear
more accessible, light, yet meaningful. Such approaches demonstrate how modern urban piety is
33 Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity; Husein and Slama, “Online Piety and Its Discontent:

Revisiting Islamic Anxieties on Indonesian Social Media,” 80–93.
34 Dwifatma, “YouTube Islamic Web Series and Mediatized Piety among Urban Muslims in Indonesia,” 183–197.
35 Teguh Fachmi and Fauzan Nazil Ramadhan, “What Drives Indonesian Muslim Youth Express Their Piety on Social
Media: Do Psychological, Socio-Cultural, and Politics Interfere?” Proceeding of AICIEL (2024): 409–416; Khairil Anwar,
Surawan Surawan, and Sarimah Awang, “Social Media and Religiosity: Shifting the Lifestyle Paradigm of Urban Muslim
Students,” Akademika 29, no. 2 (2024): 195–204.
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negotiated not only through spiritual devotion but also through cultural tastes and media
sensibilities.36
There has also been a shift in religious authority among urban Muslims. While traditional
scholars previously dominated the legitimacy of piety, new figures such as young preachers,
influencers, and content creators gain recognition due to their proximity to digital audiences. Social
media has created a fragmented authority landscape, allowing youth to select religious figures in
accordance with their personal lifestyles. This development indicates that modern piety emerges
from a negotiation between spiritual values and socially mediated recognition, reflecting both
individual agency and collective approval.37
In conclusion, urban Muslim piety has evolved from simple ritual observance to a broader,
lifestyle-oriented practice. Sufi practices serve as stress relief, a tool for searching life’s meaning,
and a form of flexible religious identity. Social media amplifies this transformation by providing a
space where piety can be performed, accessed, and evaluated publicly. Consequently, urban piety
in the digital era is dynamic, fluid, and continuously adapting to the social and cultural context of
contemporary city life.38
THE ISLAMIC CONTEXT OF CONTENT & THE CHALLENGES OF URBAN
SUFISM
The rise of Islamic content in digital media responds to the spiritual needs of urban
communities who navigate fast paced and distraction filled environments. In many cases, these
needs are mediated not through formal Sufi orders, but through Sufi style spirituality that
emphasizes emotional calmness, inner reflection, and accessible moral encouragement tailored for
digital audiences.39 This form of spirituality resonates with contemporary urban Muslims who
prefer affective guidance and contemplative aesthetics rather than heavily institutional or doctrinal
forms of religious engagement.

36 Ratri Rizki Kusumalestari, “Hijrahtainment: Composing Piety and Profane as Commodification of Religion by

Media,” Mediator 13, no. 2 (2020): 290–306.
37 Eko Saputra, Dony Arung Triantoro, and Ardiansyah, “Urban Muslim Youth, Pengajian Communities and Social
Media: Fragmentation of Religious Authorities in Indonesia,” Al-Qalam 27, no. 2 (2021): 335–346.
38 Dwifatma, “YouTube Islamic Web Series and Mediatized Piety among Urban Muslims in Indonesia,” 183–197;
Kusumalestari, “Hijrahtainment: Composing Piety and Profane as Commodification of Religion by Media,” 290–306;
Eva Anzani Siregar, Mufida Tullaili, and Zul Afdal, “Social Media on Islamic Lifestyle Trends: A Systematic Review,”
Indonesian Interdisciplinary Journal of Sharia Economics 8, no. 1 (2025): 2270–2286.
39 Luthfi Makhasin, “Urban Sufism Media and Religious Change in Indonesia,” Ijtima’iyya: Journal of Muslim Society 1, no.
1 (2016): 23–36; Ratri Rizki Kusumalestari, “Hijrahtainment Composing Piety and Profane as Commodification of
Religion by Media,” Mediator 13, no. 2 (2020): 290–306.
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Haq highlights the approach of Hanan Attaki, who uses friendly language, gentle vocal
delivery, meditative visuals, and youth oriented aesthetics to communicate spiritual messages.40
While previous scholarship often categorizes Hanan within Pop Islam or the Hijrah movement due
to his accessible preaching style and strong social media presence, his emphasis on emotional
refinement, inner purification, and contemplative calm aligns closely with the characteristics of
urban Sufism.41 His content does not echo the disciplinary tone typical of Pop Islam, but instead
reflects Sufi inspired sensibilities that frame spirituality as a source of emotional grounding and
personal healing for urban youth. This blend of affective guidance and aesthetic intimacy positions
Hanan’s digital persona within Sufi style urban religiosity rather than within the structure of formal
Sufi orders.
However, this transformation brings major challenges. One of them is the commodification
of religion, where piety becomes a consumable lifestyle. Trends such as syar’i fashion, da'wah
merchandise, and paid religious content on social media show how religion is marketed like cultural
products. Khadijah warns that such commodification risks stripping piety of its spiritual depth. 42
Nonetheless, evidence also shows that digital da'wah content enhances inner peace and spiritual
well-being among young people, although commercialization may create ethical dilemmas when
monetization shifts religious orientation toward economic interests.43
Another challenge is the fragmentation of religious authority. While authority was once
centered on ulama and traditional scholars, it is now also held by influencers and young preachers
who have risen to prominence in digital spaces. Social media has produced new forms of authority
not always grounded in scholarly lineage, leading many urban audiences to evaluate piety based on
follower counts rather than religious knowledge.44 This shift is reinforced by the rise of “digital
Islamisation,” where celebrity preachers gain legitimacy through online performance and personal
branding.45

40 Syamsul Haq, “Piety and Commercialization Dakwah The Influence of Hanan Attaki’s Kajian on Young Urban

Muslims in Indonesia,” Al Misbah: Jurnal Islamic Studies 12, no. 1 (2024): 18–31.
41 Wahyudi Akmaliah, “When Islamism and Pop Culture Meet A Political Framing of the Movie 212 The Power of
Love,” Studia Islamika 27, no. 1 (2020): 1–33; Julian Millie, Hearing Allah’s Call Preaching and Performance in Indonesian Islam
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2017).
42 Siti Khadijah, “Commodification of Religion and Islamic Cultural Industry through Social Media,” IPERCOP 2, no.
1 (2025): 46–55.
43 Sirun and Surawan, “Konsumsi Konten Dakwah Digital dan Kesejahteraan Spiritual Mahasiswa: Kajian Empiris di
Kalangan Generasi Z,” 220–226; Dinda Ayu Pratiwi et al., “The Commercialization of Da’wah: An Islamic
Perspective,” Hunafa: Jurnal Studia Islamika 22, no. 1 (2025): 33–46.
44 Saputra, Triantoro, and Ardiansyah, “Urban Muslim Youth, Pengajian Communities and Social Media:
Fragmentation of Religious Authorities in Indonesia,” 335–346; Ziaulhaq Hidayat, “Transforming Sufism into Digital
Media: Eshaykh and Simplification of Tarekat Orthodoxy,” Epistemé 17, no. 2 (2023): 197–223.
45 Moch. Khafidz Fuad Raya, “Digital Islam: New Space for Authority and Religious Commodification among Islamic
Preachers in Contemporary Indonesia,” Contemporary Islam 19, no. 1 (2024): 161–194.
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Even so, these challenges also create opportunities. Religious commodification, for instance,
can introduce Sufi values to young people who were previously distant from spiritual traditions.
Kusumalestari’s concept of hijrahtainment suggests that popular culture can bridge entertainment
with spiritual values, expanding the reach of da'wah.46
Overall, Urban Sufism in digital media holds a dual position: it fulfills the spiritual needs of
urban communities while facing the risks of commercialization and diluted meaning. Maintaining
balance between media innovation, aesthetic appeal, and spiritual depth is therefore essential so
that digital Islamic content remains rooted in the essence of Sufism as a path to inner tranquility
and enlightenment.47
CONCLUSION
This study finds that the representation of urban Sufism in digital media functions not only
as a medium for religious preaching but also as a space for negotiating the religious identity of
urban Muslims. The presence of urban Sufism illustrates how Sufi values are adapted within digital
spaces and urban public spheres, allowing them to merge with the fluid, cosmopolitan, and
distraction-filled rhythms of modern life. In this way, piety is no longer understood exclusively as
a ritual practice but instead appears as a social expression that is easily accessible and closely
integrated into the everyday life of urban communities.
Furthermore, this study shows that digital media plays a crucial role in shaping a performative
image of piety. The religious identity of urban Muslims is constructed through social recognition,
both offline and online, with shifting standards of legitimacy that increasingly move away from
traditional authorities toward public figures and content creators. Consequently, piety is displayed
through popular communication styles, contemporary aesthetics, and media logics that emphasize
connectivity, recognition, and public participation.
Another finding indicates that the phenomenon of urban Sufism presents both opportunities
and challenges. On one hand, Sufi-oriented dakwah can reach a wider and more diverse audience
through digital content that is inclusive and communicative. On the other hand, there are risks of
spiritual shallowness, the commodification of religion, and the fragmentation of religious authority,
which may shift the orientation of Sufism from spiritual depth toward symbolic and economic

46 Kusumalestari, “Hijrahtainment: Composing Piety and Profane as Commodification of Religion by Media,” 290–

306.
47 Haq, “Piety and Commercialization Da’wah: The Influence of Hanan Attaki’s Kajian on Young Urban Muslims in
Indonesia,” 18–31; Khadijah, “Commodification of Religion and Islamic Cultural Industry through Social Media,” 46–
55.
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Representation Of Urban Sufism In Constructing Urban Muslim Piety In Digital Media
doi: 10.61815/alibrah.v10i2.779

interests. Therefore, maintaining a balance between media innovation and spiritual substance
becomes an urgent necessity.
Based on these findings, it is recommended that preachers and digital content creators adopt
a more reflective and critical approach when presenting Sufi messages so that the spiritual depth is
not lost. Future research may expand the discussion by comparing urban Sufi practices across
platforms or cultures, as well as employing ethnographic approaches that trace the dynamics of
interaction between digital spaces and offline communities. In doing so, studies on urban Sufism
can provide a more comprehensive understanding of how the religious identity of urban Muslims
continues to be shaped and negotiated amid the currents of modernity, globalization, and
mediatization.
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